In wide consciousness at the connection on capitalism,

In this book, Benedict Anderson worked to influence
the culture, political environment that gave the development to the nationalism
in the late 18th century Europe and other countries to make it such a lively
phenomenon. Exclude meaning that it should be mass in with other political such
as Marxism or Liberalism, Anderson show it from more closely and present to the
people. He said an imagined political community and imaginary so both natively
limited acknowledged. The cultural roots of the decline or territoriality
regard the law then sacred script, the authorizing over monarchical centers as
much the natural pathway in toeing the line with prepare political members of
the family of space, and the link with temporarily concerning cosmology then
records such as human beings may want to at present imagine themselves in a
simultaneous, homogeneous, calendar time up to expectation connects of us who
have certainly not seen. He goes on in accordance with stumble on the starting
place over country wide consciousness at the connection on capitalism, print,
and the fatality concerning linguistic range stimulated by using the previous
two. He since suggestions their origins among observes beyond the Americas, both
Spanish yet Anglo, below their change among linguistic nationalism concerning
over the Europe, decent nationalism between situation about the imperial
nation, so far post World War II ex colonial nationalism.

B. Anderson think the origins of national consciousness
in the part between capitalism, print and that he calls the “Fatality of human
linguistic diversity”. This relationship ruled to print languages that, for
Benedict Anderson concept basic national awareness in 3 different ways:

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1.     Created
a united mode of communication below Latin and above spoken languages.

2.     Print
capitalism gave a new fixity to language previously not achievable in the era
of copied document.

3.     Created
languages of power in administrative vernaculars, which Anderson sees as first actuality
an accidental position of capitalism, and linguistic diversity, only later
being manipulated or broken in a Machiavellian spirit.

Anderson’s analyses of the historical origin of
national consciousness in chapter 2, 3 and 4 were of fundamental theoretical
importance, for he provided the most significant and crucial social
pre-conditions that made the imagination of nations possible; and for the
analyses greatly influenced multiple disciplines like sociology, cultural
studies and media studies in later investigation of nationalism. Anderson
borrowed two philosophical notions from a famous Marxist writer Walter Benjamin
to distinguish medieval and modern time conception, which were “Messianic time”
and “homogeneous, empty time” respectively. However, in modern society, since
people do not understand time by particular event or story like the coming of
Christ, implying empty of content in their conception, but by homogenous
measurement like watch and calendar which led to homogeneous scale of time, the
separation become clear, and hence we always have a strong sense of “present”
as opposed to “past” and “future.” This strong sense of present and
standardized time measurement provided the basis of imagination that, someone
is doing something in somewhere similar and simultaneous to me even though I
cannot really see them. However, it was print-capitalism starting from 16th
century in Europe that brought this imagination into existence in a national
manner. In order to make more profits from larger market, print-capitalism
turned from printing Latin to the printing of vernaculars which was the
prototype of national languages, so that much more people could read printing
materials. The contributions of print-capitalism were that, on the one hand it
consistent the differentiated spoken vernaculars into written vernaculars that
could be shared by different people within a limited territory on the other,
print-media like newspapers reported unrelated but simultaneous events within
the territory so that people could have the aforementioned imagination and thus
gave audiences a sense of unified identity and community.

In previous states, where the majority of the people
speaks the official print language. The first republican nation states at the
Anglo and Spanish Americans and the other population doesn’t speak or write in
official state language which is known as ex colonial states in Africa.

Benedict Anderson give the information here about the
separation of nationalism and grew the Spanish American Empire’s creole population,
unified the grew of Angelo American as creole. He also said that the rise of
liberalism and enlightenment in every case expect Latin side like Brazil. And
European thought that if any European baby born any other side of the world,
they didn’t take them as like European baby. And they didn’t give the
opportunity to them. Coupled with early iterations of print-capitalism’s reach
through newspapers, as the prime motivator for the development of a distinctly
national consciousness for these creoles.

On the entire, Anderson’s explanation in the book
resounds usually with different ages of Irish Nationalism: The Young Ireland
task of the 1840 was definitely the educated brain powers, and they made offers
to the people even however, as Brown puts it, they didn’t know the people. And
the later undertaking of 1890 to 1921, led by the cultural nationalism of Yeats
and a re-energized interest in together built-up myths and Gaelic, was also
highly unfair by the women and men of letters. Yet, in Anderson’s only two
mentions of Ireland in this chapter, both are confusing on the 78, he claims
that the English Gaelic out of Ireland as part of a development which, at least
in the start, was basically unplanned. In a note he mentions the military
overthrow of the Gaeltacht, but doesn’t note the systematic exclusion of Gaelic
language teaching in schools. For example, that might give someone pause in
thinking the process unplanned. In a later section, while noting that the
influence of the crowds had much to do with their relationship to the ministers
of nationalism, he rights that one might point to Ireland, where a Catholic
priesthood tired from the peasantry and close to it played a dynamic
arbitrating role. But these broad blows beg for more detailed explanation, as
the priests weren’t always the prepared accessories to the often Protestant
middle class “Missionaries of Nationalism.” In the Fenian era and prior, for
the example, they often played a more awkward role than a useful one.

In Chapter 7, “The Last Wave,” Anderson traces the
rise post World War II of what I would call postcolonial nation states, and
their genesis in the leadership of bilingual intellectuals free to sturdy local
bourgeoisie” (140) that were educated in the during of Russification
educational systems meant to produce large groups of fluent folks to administer
the growing colonial state. As always, he notes that the territories of these
future imagined communities are coterminous with the administrative centers of
the colonial map that marked the top of travel for these metropolises educated
natives. So, the very education meant to produce willing servants of colonial
empire also gave folks access to nationalist ideologies and histories that they
would ultimately seek to wield against their mysteries.

In Chapter 8, “Patriotism and Racism,” Anderson
returns to the primacy of language in simplifying national feeling, and also
seeks to disprove that racism arises out of nationalism. To the contrary,
Anderson rightly declares, it rises out of class relations. Though he goes into
other examples to prove his case, one need not go beyond the North American
colonies, where laws against white and black miscegenation far per-date
nationalism but are meant to keep lower classes from banding together in
solidarity.

In Chapter. 9, “The Angel of History” we have the
original conclusion retelling the imagined quality of the nation, the spread
and about to happen pirate ability of the phenomenon to new contexts through
the simplification of print capitalism and later colonial education systems,
and the determined ways in which today’s revolutionary receives the mantle of
the old governments and ends up wielding much similar tools of “official
nationalism” to bolster their version of the state.

In Chapter. 10, “Census, Map, and Museum,” Anderson
revises his argument from previous chapter about the rise of post-colonial
nationalism as direct issues from European official nationalism. He improves a
sense of the local colonial state’s contribution through the linking
technologies of register, map, and museum and history in service of the
officially imagined nation.

Through representing the historical development of
nationalism, Anderson successfully indicated the arbitrariness and allusiveness
of national identity. However, he had not suggested anything that we can learn
from the past to overcome the problems of nationalism. Nationalism is still so
powerful in nowadays that it can easily disturb the focus of other important
social problems, like economic abuse. Thus, as most of the Marxists would demand,
more studies and discussions are needed in order to find a solution, so that
national identity can no longer distract real social domination.