Economic issues from being publicly debated as they

Economic inequalities
in advanced industrialised democracies over the past two decades have almost
been entirely unassessed in empirical literature (Solt, 2008). Theoretical research
predicts that economic inequality reduces political engagement for example, contributing
in elections therefore affluent participants are more likely to be satisfied
with democracy in the UK (Solt,
2008). Rich participants are more likely to prevail in open conflicts and even prevent
issues from being publicly debated as they need to defend their interests from
the challenges of poorer individuals. Money is used to drown voices of poorer
citizens who always find themselves unable to speak out about injustices
therefore discard of any preferences that will not be enacted (Solt, 2008).

 

Patterns of
political behaviour from young people has attracted attention (Henn and Foard,
2013) as they isolate themselves from the formal politics of “old people.” Their
decline in commitment suggests the political system is passive to young
people’s wants. Politics seems inaccessible and related to political elite who
engage in self-centred agendas. Pollock et al adds young people express high cumulative
levels of populist beliefs that could serve as uneasy to mainstream parties. Younger
individuals prefer to take part in less professional, less time consuming, political
activities for example, online forms and questionnaires therefore my research
hypothesis claims older participants are more likely to be satisfied with
democracy in the country (Pilkington and Pollock, 2015).

 

A survey into
political participation in Britain suggested that gender differences in voting
had become insignificant but men continued to prove more engaged in collective acts
such as party membership. Women were found to be less politically
knowledgeable, interested and engaged in political discussions. Citizens who do
not state their preferences are risked being ignored. Opinion polls state
attitudes of men and women differ on the appropriate levels of public spending
on health care, educational services and the military therefore there will be
gender difference with the levels of satisfaction with democracy due to the
lack of equal participation and engagement (Norris, Lovenduski and Campbell,
2004).

 

The 2010 ethnic
minority British election study suggests that second generation citizens of
Black Caribbean heritage claim that the British system has not treated them fairly
and feel there is still prejudice in the UK. BME groups comparatively attach
less importance to the economy, crisis and immigration and claim for the
provision of equal opportunities (Ethnic Minority British Election Study – Key
Findings, 2018). A third of BME group’s report discrimination which are not
shared in wider public debates or by any other main political parties in their
manifestos. Muslims feel excluded and rejected with evidence of growing Islamophobia.
Young Muslim men may feel less committed to British society which has allowed
them to lead separate lives from mainstream therefore be prone to radicalisation
(Sanders et al., 2013). As a result, ethnic minorities are expected to be less
satisfied with democracy in the country.

 

The
conservative party have pledged to recognise marriage in the tax system as a
signal of recognition of the value made by people when they get married. Conservative
politician Iain Duncan Smith condemns the labour party for stating that all
family structures deliver the same outcome pointing to evidence that claims
marriage has the best outcome for children. Other family structures are more
likely to be dissatisfied with democracy in the country as 45 percent of births
now take place out of marriage (Hayton, 2015). As a result, it is expected that
there shall be a relation between marital status and the level of satisfaction
with democracy in the UK.

 

A survey
reveals trust in the UK Government has sharply dropped. Conservative leader,
Theresa May was given a trust rating of 36% compared to 26% given to Labour
leader Jeremy Corbyn. Only 18% of respondents said they trust political parties
in general. When asked which parties they trust, voters put the conservative at
28% a huge drop from 36% in 2016. Labour at 25%, previously 31% and Liberal
democrats at 20% from 23%, UKIP on 19%, the Green party at 27% from 29% and SNP
on 22% from 25% (Grierson, 2018). The level of trust has reached a low and for
this reason my research hypothesis claims that the level of trust for political
parties will be affected by the level of satisfaction with democracy in the UK.